Dancing with the Gods:
A Study in Candomble Ritual

Kelsey Milton

In Sacrifice: Its Nature and Functions, Henri Hubert and Marcel Mauss describe the rites and rituals usually surrounding sacrifice in a religious context.  They attempt to create a method for studying sacrifice according to the consecrating rituals that surround the act itself.  According to Hubert and Mauss, it is these rituals which define the sacrifice; a sacrifice without these rituals would indeed be meaningless and empty.  These rituals shape the sacrifice into what it is. 

Hubert and Mauss list several distinguishing factors that a sacrificial ritual should carry; the sacrifice is only as important as the rituals that surround it.  These rituals, whatever they may be, need to be precise.  Anything less than exactly what the ritual traditionally consists of is simply asking for trouble and reprimanding from the deities.  As these rituals all have to do with higher spiritual beings, these punishments could indeed lead to death. [1]   These rituals include a sacred space, correct timing, separating the sacred from the profane and consecrating what is profane.  According to Hubert and Mauss, sacrifice must also do two things: it must have an expiatory function and it must create some form of a union with the deity.

By focusing on the rituals, they are allowing for leeway as to what exactly the sacrifice is.  Sacrifice does not have to be pigeonholed into the age-old misconceptions of throwing virgins into active volcanoes or binding goats to a stake.  In this paper, I intend to look carefully at the public ceremonies of an Afro-Brazilian Candomblé and determine if they fit the model given by Hubert and Mauss.  While there is no “typical” sacrifice, like the ones mentioned above, there is a sort of self-sacrifice of the dancers in these ceremonies. 

The dancers in Candomblé sacrifice their bodies for a brief period of time so that the Orixás, or Candomblé deities, can manifest in their bodies to dance and release axé.  Axé is the essence of Candomblé.  According to Candomblé, it is the essence of everything in the world, cosmos, and beyond.  It is the spiritual power that keeps life together and functioning, without which, life as is known would cease to exist.  Humans use this life force of the Orixás to improve the quality of their lives and to bring about good luck and fortune in general. [2]

As humans need the Orixás for axé, so do the Orixás need the humans.  They need the presents left to them on altars, such as aromatic food or decorations, as well as the bodies of the dancers to manifest into.  Through the dancers during the ceremonies, the Orixás can communicate with the humans and dance their stories.  However, if any of the steps for this worship are altered, in the wrong order, or skipped entirely, disaster could ensue.  If the mistakes are bad enough, then the Orixás have every right to become angry with the worshippers and cause all sorts of problems in their lives, possibly even death. [3]

This interdependency causes a relationship of respect and reverence on both sides.  Both humans and Orixás understand the connection between them and know that without one the other would cease to exist.  In essence, they live for each other. “It is a privilege for those to be chosen to be graced with the opportunity to increase their spiritual energy [axé] while serving the rest of the community as the vehicles for the presence of their spiritual caretakers.” [4]   This is why the dancer is so crucial to Candomblé.

CANDOMBLÉ

The word Candomblé is synonymous with several different realities.  It is an Afro-Brazilian religion, or in relation to this religion, its community, its sacred space (also called a house or more frequently a terreiro), and the dances, festivals, and ceremonies performed for it.  This religion comes from the days of slavery in Bahia, Brazil, born from the rituals and theology brought over by the slaves from their African homes.

A Candomblé community is set up like a family.  There is a mãe-de-santo or a Pai-de-santo (mother or father of the saint), although usually a woman will occupy this position.  She will be the head of the Candomblé with several initiated filhos- and filhas-de-santo (sons and daughters of the saint); some of which may be her biological children, but many are not.  This family structure is the same as a biological family in the teaching of Candomblé, if not stronger.  Members often talk about their mothers (both spiritual and biological) and siblings (dual as well) interchangeably.  As women most often head the terreiro, so are the majority of initiates women.  Men have a different, but just as important, role in Candomblé. [5]

There are several reasons as to why a person is initiated into Candomblé.  A person can choose to dedicate his or her life to Candomblé or they can be chosen.  Often they are chosen by the deities and that choice is made apparent by a direct disturbance with a spiritual base that happens in their lives that will not go away until they are initiated.  These “spiritual” ailments can rarely be diagnosed or treated with modern medicine.  In order to appease the deities, the person must become a member of the Candomblé family.  There is an extensive initiation process that occurs in order to be born into the Candomblé, although it differs for each house.  During this process a person’s Orixá is determined. [6]

The Orixás are the deities of Candomblé, varying slightly from region to region.  Each one has its own powers, personality, likes, dislikes, associations, and myths relating to the other Orixás.  According to the theology, every person in the world is connected to one or two Orixás.  The personality of one’s Orixá is often incorporated into the person.  For example, Iansa is the Orixá of stormy winds.  Those who have Iansa for their Orixá are often accordingly very flighty and inconsistent like her winds.  In order to live in harmony with the Orixás, one must respect and appease them by giving daily offerings and creating ceremonies in their honor.

Every terreiro has their own calendar of annual festivities or celebrations done for the Orixás.  While each house is dedicated to one specific Orixá, most of the celebrations are meant to include all of the Orixás.  The intention of these celebrations is to bring about spirit possession by way of using the initiates as mediums for the Orixás to come into this world. [7]   These ceremonies are usually for just one Orixá, but most of the other Orixás will appear as well.  One of the specific jobs of the men is to play the drums during the ceremonies.  The vibrations of the drums go into the heart of the terreiro and release the axé into the space, incorporating into the bodies of the dancers, which is then reinforced by the direct contact with the ground through the bare feet of the dancers.  This creates a buildup of energy and creates a passageway for the spirits to emerge. [8]  

Every Orixá has a specific dance and song that brings them to the human world.  These are performed and sung by the dancers and audience so that the specific Orixá will come to their terreiro.  These songs are seen as conversations with the Orixás and have codes for the purpose of calling the deities and asking them to come to the terreiro and take or possess the people. [9]   Interestingly, in Brazil the Portuguese word for possession, possessão, is never used in a Candomblé context.  Instead, they say “taken or mounted by the spirit.” [10]

TEMPORARY DEATH

In Candomblé, every initiated person has already sacrificed his or her profane self for the Orixás.  In order for someone to be initiated into the family of Candomblé, “he or she must die to life in the ordinary world and enter a new one in Candomblé.” [11]   To do this they must go into an extensive initiation that often lasts for months.  During this time they are learning how to manifest the Orixás within and how to properly respect and care for their Orixás.  This includes learning what their Orixá likes and dislikes, which songs and dances will make them come and how to arrange their altar and daily offerings. 

“Initiation is perceived as symbolic rebirth into an improved mode of existence.” [12]   After the initiates have gone through the necessary rituals they are presented to the community as a new person; a person of higher esteem, confidence, and axé.  This rebirth into the family of Candomblé is a milestone in the life of the initiate.  Now they can fully participate in the happenings within the terreiro.

INITIATION RITES

There are several specific steps involved in the initiation process.  The initiates can either choose to become initiated themselves, or they can be called upon by the Orixás to become initiated.  The process which one must go through in order to be initiated is a long, intense ordeal.  Throughout the entire initiation, the bulk of attention is focused on the head of the initiate.  This is considered to be the seat of the Orixá and is the place of greatest importance of the human body.  It is via the crown of the head that the Orixás will manifest themselves into the initiate’s body. [13]   The purpose of initiation is to make the initiate de cabeça feita, or to have a “made head.” [14]   Besides daily offerings and special public appearances at ceremonies, the initiates spend the majority of time in a separate small building on the terreiro called a runkô, learning how to manifest the Orixás.  This space is specifically designed to separate those in initiation from the rest of the world. [15]   The initiates also have to spend the entire time in specific white outfits designed for initiation, along with anklets, bracelets, and necklaces identifying them as those currently in initiation.

The first step is called the catulagem.  All of the hair is cut as close to the scalp as possible while chanting the specific chants of the initiate’s Orixá.  The head is then covered with amaci, a thick herbal mixture that is infused with the axé of the Orixás.  This amaci is allowed to sit there while the energy of the Orixás is flowing into the “seat” of the initiate.  The following step is similar to the catulagem, except in raspagem, the next step, the entire head is shaved bald.  More amaci is applied and more chants are sung. [16]

After the initiates have undergone both catulagem and raspagem, they are now ready for the next step.  The centers of their bald heads are marked with a bit of efun, a chalk made from dried egg whites.  A small white bird is held over the efun as its throat is slit.  The blood is allowed to drain out onto the head while the feathers are plucked from the bird. These white feathers are stuck to the drying blood and once again, the initiates sits still as the axé is incorporated into their selves. [17]

A cross is then lightly cut into the top of the scalp, which creates a physical opening into the head of the initiate.  Amaci is rubbed into the spot, actively forcing the axé into the “seat” of the initiate.  Tattoos are then incised into vary body parts that bear the mark of the nation of the terreiro.  The locations and designs of the marks differ from nation to nation, but some typical places are on the back, shoulders, arms, top of the head, tip of the tongue or the soles of the feet. [18]   All of these rituals of cutting, shaving, incising, bathing in herbs, are all meant to bring about a closer connection to the Orixás and their axé and to create a bond between them within the body of the initiate. [19]

The initiates are now ready to make their first appearance to the public as filhos- or filhas-de-santo.  This ceremony is the first time the initiate will publicly and officially manifest the Orixás.  This event marks them as full-fledged members of the Candomblé family. 

The entirety of the initiation process is exactly what Hubert and Mauss were discussing in Sacrifice: Its Nature and Functions.  They describe the importance of the rituals that go into preparing the victims for the sacrifice, or in this case, the dancer for the ceremony.  “Fixed rites are necessary to confer upon [them] the religious condition that [their] roles demanded.” [20]   All of these rituals are declared according to the commandments of the Orixás, thereby making them instantly sacred.  By using these sacred rituals, the initiates are brought to a level that is closer to the Orixás than the average person; they now have the potential to be the mediums between the two worlds.

AXIS MUNDI

Hubert and Mauss use the sacrificial imagery of the yupa in Hindu Vedic religious tradition to illustrate the importance of the axis mundi.  In Vedic tradition, the animal that is about to be sacrificed is bound to a stake, or yupa, which then becomes the center of attention.  Around this yupa, everything is based.  The various participants encircle it at different lengths, the farther away one is from the yupa, the less spiritual energy is felt. [21]

The axis mundi is so important because “it is there that the victim will stand, the most important of all visible personages that will take part in the ceremony.”  All of the energy in the area is focused on this one point in space.  In Candomblé the axis mundi is the staff of Oranmiyan. 

The staff of Oranmiyan orients the community to Africa, the origins of the Candomblé and of the earth itself.  The staff is planted in the earth, connecting the community of Brazil with the earth of Africa.  It brings the sky, the realm of the Orixás, together with Onile’, the earth and ground of all life.  By its reference to Oranmiyan, an ancient king of the Nagô people, the pillar has been linked to a phallus impregnating the cavity of the earth, engendering axé, the creative power of the universe. [22]

This staff is actually a large pillar that begins in the center of the main worshipping room in the terreiro and extends upwards into the sky, stopping at the ceiling if the dancing space is indoors. Buried directly underneath the staff of Oranmiyan is the entoto, the most integral link to Africa.  The entoto consists of various symbols and emblems that represent the essence of the terreiro.  This is also the most concentrated point of axé in the entire terreiro.  The axé from the entoto travels along the ground and also up through the staff, making both the ground and the staff ideal places for absorbing the axé.  The dancers dance around the staff in a counterclockwise fashion, evoking the spirit.  They are the ones who are closest to the staff, as they need to receive the most axé. [23]

BEFORE CEREMONY

Prior to any religious ceremony certain rituals must be done in order to ensure that the ceremony goes according to plan without any problem.  The dancers, audience, and the terreiro “are profane; their condition must be changed.  To do this rites are necessary to introduce them into the sacred world.” [24]   There are several rituals in Candomblé that can consecrate everything involved in the ceremony before it begins.

The dancer must have gone through the intense initiation process as described earlier in order to even be considered as someone to represent the Orixás.  In preparation for the ceremony the dancers all take a normal bath, followed by an herbal bath to prepare their bodies to receive the spirits.  They all wear white, loose fitting clothes; the men wear white pants and a white shirt while the women wear layers of white petticoats over a pair of pantalets with a colorful skirt on top and a white blouse.  The women have their hair tied back and under a scarf and everyone is barefoot.  This is to better receive the axé via the vibrations from the drums through the floor.  The audience is also barefoot for the same reason.  Prior to the ceremony, the dancers avoid heavy food and drink lots of water, as hopefully their body will undergo a huge transition and receive an Orixá. 

All of the objects used must also undergo ritual to prepare for the ceremony.  To begin with, only certain times of the day and days of the week, month, or year are appropriate to have any given ceremony.  For example, each Orixá has a preferred day of the week, so the ceremony for that Orixá needs to be on that day.  Also, most ceremonies tend to start in the evening and last throughout most of the night.  Any official ceremony must be done within the walls of the terreiro, as this is the sacred space in Candomblé. 

All of the instruments used, the floor of the terreiro, the people, the costumes and any other items, are sprinkled with more herbal water to be cleansed. The drums as well as the staff of Oranmiyan have a pana de costa, which means “cloth of the [African] coast”, [25] wrapped around them in a bow tie.  This is to release the excess axé from the drums and pillar once the drums start beating, as a buildup of axé would be very dangerous.  The axé flows out of the two ends of the bows, which face the floor to redirect the energy back to the ground. [26]   The terreiro is also decorated appropriately for the Orixá being honored.  For example, if Oxossi, the Orixá of forests and herbology, was being honored, then the terreiro would be decorated in pale blue with fresh cut flowers and herbs decorating the sides and leaves covering the floor. [27]

DURING CEREMONY

At the start of the ceremony the dancers all come out, clad in white, and start to dance slowly and methodically around the pillar, beginning the ceremony, which will last several hours.  They all do the dance specific to the Orixá being worshipped, if Yemenja, the maternal Orixá of the oceans was the honored Orixá, then the dancers would slowly wave their arms up and down, back and forth, to emulate the wave of the seas. [28]  

As the dancers one by one become possessed, the assistants refer to specific rituals to guide them.  First of all, tight clothing is loosened and eyeglasses and jewelry are removed so as not to be in the way.  Usually when a person in Candomblé becomes possessed the entire body starts to convulse and shake uncontrollable.  The assistants are there to calm down the body and make sure the dancers do not get hurt.  A pana de costa is then wrapped around the chest of the dancers to release excess axé into the terreiro. [29]   Once they are taken by the spirit, the dancers rarely open their eyes for the remainder of the possession.  Not only is it disrespectful to the Orixás, but it is believed that if one look into the eyes of an Orixá, the powerful axé could potentially be harmful. 

Now that the Orixás have come, they move freely around the terreiro accepting hugs and salutation from spectators and each other and dance in front of the drums.  The dancers then all go into a back room where they change into the appropriate costumes of the Orixás.  After a brief intermission, the dancers all come back, dressed in extravagance and spender as appropriate for the Orixás.  They then dance around the terreiro some more and receive more hugs and greetings.  As the dancers make their final lap around the terreiro, the spectators hold out their hands, palms facing the Orixás, to receive their axé. [30]  

AFTER THE CEREMONY

“Since [the ritual] has been created through rites, it is rites alone that can unloosen the elements of which it is composed.” [31]   Once the ceremony is over, that which has been consecrated must be returned to its normal state of a profane existence.  The undoing of the ceremonial ritual holds true for anything used during the ceremony, especially the dancers.

After the dancers have filed out of the main ceremonial room, the ceremony is officially over.  For the spectators, who were not ritually initiated into the ceremony to begin with, there is no ritual ending either.  The drums stop abruptly and the music is over for the night.  The audience then goes to partake in the feast of the night.  The food is prepared specifically for the Orixás, with special ingredients and cooking instructions only a few initiates know.  A small portion is set out for the Orixás to dine on the aromas and the rest is for the audience.  When the audience takes part in the Orixás’ feast, they also receive some of the axé that has been cooked into the food. [32]

However, for the dancers it is quite a different.  They spend the majority of the rest of the night coming down from the spiritual high of the Orixás.  Once the Orixás leave the dancers’ bodies, they are replaced by erés.  Erés are described as being the child personalities of the Orixás, child Orixás, and the children of the Orixás. [33]   Needless to say, they have very childish personalities and spend the majority of their time playing.  They act as a medium spiritual position between the intense Orixás and the profane dancers.  Once all of the Orixás have left, the costumes and sacred items used during the ceremony are locked safely away until use for next time.

EXPIATORY AND COMMUNAL RITES

Expiatory and communal rites are both key elements in sacrificial ceremonies.  Without one, the ceremony is likely to be incomplete.  “The expulsion of a sacred spirit, whether pure or impure, is a primordial component of sacrifice, as primordial and irreducible as communion.” [34]   These elements are certainly present in the public ceremonies of Candomblé.  There are several examples of both expiatory rites and communal benefits that everyone involved takes part in.  Exu and Omulu are both Orixás who deal with expiatory rituals, but in very different ways.  

Exu is an Orixá quite unlike the others.  He is a powerful trickster, who rules all areas of the world without restriction, as he is the Orixá of roads, intersections and communication.  He is thus the main communication link between the other Orixás and humans. [35]   Exu does not manifest into humans; instead he spends his time playing tricks, causing trouble, and generally disrupting life wherever he can.  It is for this reason that he is often erroneously mistaken for being the “devil” of Candomblé, although Candomblé has no true devil character.  Followers of Candomblé will usually worship him first, before the other Orixás.  If Exu is not happy then he can, and will, create all sorts of problems despite the opinions of the other Orixás.

Exu lives on the borders of the human world, forever ‘on the road.’  Water, rum and manioc flour fried in dende oil are presented with songs to the dangerous spirit at his house on the edges of the terreiro.  Then they are literally thrown into the street to ‘send Exu away,’ so that he will cross over to the world of the spirits and guide them to the human community, and so that he will not linger to disrupt the community with his restless spirit. [36]

Omulu is the Orixá of disease and pestilence; however, he does not cause them like Exu, instead he keeps the terreiro clean.  He is usually one of the first Orixás to be manifested in a ceremony. He carries a ritual broom and is entirely covered in raffia or straw.  Being an antisocial and secretive Orixá, Omulu tends to dance by himself, dancing in circles around the terreiro, sweeping with his body and broom, often in fact expelling the messes Exu has made. [37]

The largest communal rite in Candomblé is the gathering of axé.  This is one of most important reasons of the ceremony.  As previously noted, axé is crucial to everyone involved in Candomblé.  It brings good luck and fortune to human lives and maintains a harmony between the human world and the Orixá world.  By using the dancers as a vehicle for transporting axé, the Orixás are supporting the human world with the much desired spiritual energy.

CONCLUSION

The model presented by Hubert and Mauss focuses on the rituals surrounding the act of sacrifice.  Irregardless of the cultural implications of the specific religious tradition under which this sacrifice is taking place, this model has the ability to be applied to many different sacrifices from many different religions.  In this case, this study of Candomblé has indeed fit the model in several various ways.  By including the necessary rituals at the necessary times, those involved in Candomblé ultimately provide a sacrificial image.

The dancer becomes the victim, according to the terminology of Hubert and Mauss.  She temporarily sacrifices her body so that the Orixás can manifest within and provide herself as well as the entire community with axé.  In this sense, the dancer sacrifices herself for the betterment of the community as a whole.  The entire community is in turn indebted to the dancer and placed her in a high position in the religious society, thus allowing for more opportunities for her to manifest the Orixás again and provide more axé.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources

Calhoun, William; Professor in Law; Salvador, Bahia. Brazil; lecture; April 20, 2002.

Mãe-de-santo Ana; Cachoeira, Bahia, Brazil; personal conversation; May 12, 2002.

Santa da Rocha, Leopoldo; Pai-de-santo; Cachoeira, Bahia, Brazil; lecture; April 23, 2002.

Secondary Sources

“Candomblé, the Microcosm,” handout.

Hubert, Henri, and Marcel Mauss. Sacrifice: Its Nature and Functions. United States of America: University of Chicago Press, 1964.

Milton, Kelsey, “Candomblé in the Community of Cachoeira, Bahia.” 2002. School for International Training,
Brattleboro, Vermont.

Murphy, Joseph M.. Working the Spirit: Ceremonies of the African Diaspora. Boston: Beacon Press, 1994.

Walker, Sheila. “Everyday and Esoteric Reality in the Afro-Brazilian Candomblé.”
History of Religions 30 (1990): 103-120.